World Quality of life Spain 10th

According the the results of the World in 2005 study by The Economist, Spain rates as the 10th best place to live in the World in 2005 and Ireland is Number 1.


The top 20 countries in the final ranking are:

1. Ireland
2. Switzerland
3. Norway
4. Luxembourg
5. Sweden
6. Australia
7. Iceland
8. Italy
9. Denmark
10. Spain
11. Singapore
12. Finland
13. USA
14. Canada
15. New Zealand
16. The Netherlands
17. Japan
18. Hong Kong
19. Portugal
20. Austria

The Economist Intelligence Unit has developed a new
“quality of life” index based on a unique methodology
that links the results of subjective life-satisfaction
surveys to the objective determinants of quality of life
across countries. The index has been calculated for 111
countries for 2005. This note explains the methodology
and gives the complete country ranking.
Quality-of-life indices
It has long been accepted that material wellbeing, as
measured by gdp per person, cannot alone explain the
broader quality of life in a country. One strand of the
literature has tried to adjust gdp by quantifying facets
that are omitted by the gdp measure—various nonmarket
activities and social ills such as environmental
pollution. But the approach has faced insurmountable
diffi culties in assigning monetary values to the various
factors and intangibles that comprise a wider measure
of socio-economic wellbeing.
There have been numerous attempts to construct
alternative, non-monetary indices of social and economic
wellbeing by combining in a single statistic a
variety of different factors that are thought to infl uence
quality of life. The main problem in all these measures
is selection bias and arbitrariness in the factors that are
chosen to assess quality of life and, even more seriously,
in assigning weights to different indicators (measured
on a comparable and meaningful scale) to come up with
a single synthetic measure. gdp, despite its drawbacks,
at least has a clear, substantive meaning and prices are
the objective weights for the goods and services that
make it up (although there are also very big problems
in estimating the purchasing-power parities that have
to be used instead of market exchange rates in order to
express countries’ incomes in the same currency).
Some researchers have invoked the un’s Universal
Declaration of Human Rights to identify the factors
that need to be included in a quality-of-life measure.
But, even if accepted as a starting point, that still does
not point to precise indicators or how they are to be
weighted. A technocratic and unsatisfying device that is
sometimes used is to resort to “expert opinion”.
Life-satisfaction surveys
Our starting point for a methodologically improved
and more comprehensive measure of quality of life is
subjective life-satisfaction surveys (surveys of life satisfaction,
as opposed to surveys of the related concept of
happiness, are preferred for a number of reasons). These
surveys ask people the simple question of how satisfi ed
they are with their lives in general. A typical question
on the four-point scale used in the eu’s Eurobarometer
studies is, “On the whole are you very satisfi ed, fairly
satisfi ed, not very satisfi ed, or not at all satisfi ed with
the life you lead?”
The results of the surveys have been attracting
growing interest in recent years. Despite a range of early
criticisms (cultural non-comparability and the effect of
language differences across countries; psychological factors
distorting responses), tests have disproved or mitigated
most concerns. One objection is that responses
to surveys do not adequately refl ect how people really
feel about their life; they allegedly report how satisfi ed
they are expected to be. But people know very well how
satisfi ed they are. Responses to questions about life
satisfaction tend to be prompt; non-response rates are
very low. This simple measure of life satisfaction has
been found to correlate highly with more sophisticated
tests, ratings by others who know the individual, and
behavioural measures. The survey results have on the
whole proved far more reliable and informative than
might be expected.
Another criticism is that life-satisfaction responses
refl ect the dominant view on life, rather than actual
quality of life in a country. Life satisfaction is seen as a
judgment that depends on social and culturally specifi c
frames of reference. But this relativism is disproved by
the fact that people in different countries report similar
criteria as being important for life satisfaction, and by
the fact that most differences in life satisfaction across
countries can be explained by differences in objective
circumstances. In addition, it has been found that the
responses of immigrants in a country are much closer
to the level of the local population than to responses in
their motherland. Answers to questions on satisfaction
The Economist Intelligence Unit’s
quality-of-life index
2 Quality-of-life index THE WORLD IN 2OO5
in bilingual countries do not reveal any linguistic bias
arising from possibly differing meanings and connotations
of the words “happiness” and “satisfaction”. Selfreports
of overall life satisfaction can be meaningfully
compared across nations.
The Economist Intelligence Unit’s index
So why not just take the survey results completely at
face value and use the average score on life satisfaction
as the indicator of quality of life for a country? There
are several reasons. First, comparable results for a suf-
fi cient number of countries tend to be out-of-date and
many nations are not covered at all. Second, the impact
of measurement errors on assessing the relationship
between life-satisfaction perceptions and objective
indicators tends to cancel out across a large number of
countries. But there might still be signifi cant errors for
any given country. So there is a bigger chance of error
in assessing quality of life between countries if we take
a single average life-satisfaction score as opposed to a
multi-component index. Finally, and most important,
although most of the inter-country variation in the
life-satisfaction surveys can be explained by objective
factors, there is still a signifi cant unexplained component
which, in addition to measurement error, might be
related to specifi c factors that we would want to net out
from an objective quality-of-life index.
Instead we use the survey results as a starting point,
and a means for deriving weights for the various determinants
of quality of life across countries, in order to
calculate an objective index. The average scores from
comparable life-satisfaction surveys (on a scale of one to
ten) can be assembled for 1999 or 2000 for 74 countries.
These scores are then related in a multivariate regression
to various factors that have been shown to be associated
with life satisfaction in many studies. As many as
nine factors survive in the fi nal estimated equation (all
except one are statistically signifi cant; the weakest, gender
equality, falls just below). Together these variables
explain more than 80% of the inter-country variation in
life-satisfaction scores. Using so-called Beta coeffi cients
from the regression to derive the weights of the various
factors, the most important were health, material wellbeing,
and political stability and security. These were
followed by family relations and community life. Next
in order of importance were climate, job security, political
freedom and fi nally gender equality.
The values of the life-satisfaction scores that are
predicted by our nine indicators represent a country’s
quality-of-life index, or the “corrected” life-satisfaction
scores, based on objective cross-country determinants.
The coeffi cients in the estimated equation weight automatically
the importance of the various factors; the
method also means that the original units or measurement
of the various indicators can be used. They do not,
unlike for other indices, have to rely on the potentially
distortive effect of having to transform all indicators to
a common measurement scale. We can also use the estimated
equation based on 1999/2000 data to calculate
index values for other years or even to forecast an index,
thus making it up-to-date and facilitating comparison
over time.
Determinants of quality of life
The nine quality-of-life factors, and the indicators used
to represent these factors, are:
1. Material wellbeing
gdp per person, at ppp in $. Source: Economist Intelligence
Unit
2. Health
Life expectancy at birth, years. Source: us Census Bureau
3. Political stability and security
Political stability and security ratings. Source: Economist
Intelligence Unit
4. Family life
Divorce rate (per 1,000 population), converted into index
of 1 (lowest divorce rates) to 5 (highest). Sources: un; Euromonitor
5. Community life
Dummy variable taking value 1 if country has either high
rate of church attendance or trade-union membership; zero
otherwise. Sources: ilo; World Values Survey
6. Climate and geography
Latitude, to distinguish between warmer and colder climes.
Source: cia World Factbook
7. Job security
Unemployment rate, %. Sources: Economist Intelligence
Unit; ilo.
8. Political freedom
Average of indices of political and civil liberties. Scale of 1
(completely free) to 7 (unfree). Source: Freedom House
9. Gender equality
Ratio of average male and female earnings, latest available
data. Source: undp Human Development Report
A number of other variables were also investigated but,
in line with fi ndings in the literature, had no impact in
this multivariate framework. These were: education levels,
the rate of real gdp growth and income inequality
(Gini coeffi cient). Studies have often found at most a
small correlation between education and life satisfaction,
over and above any impact that education has on
incomes and health, and possibly other variables such
as the extent of political freedom. A recent report by the
ilo found that an indicator of schooling and training
was actually inversely related to wellbeing when jobs are
poorly attuned to people’s needs and aspirations.
The role of income
The aim is to supplement not supplant real gdp. We
fi nd that gdp per person explains more than 50% of
the inter-country variation in life satisfaction, and the
estimated relationship is linear. Surveys show that even
in rich countries people with higher incomes are more
satisfi ed with life than those with lower incomes. In 24
out of 28 countries surveyed by Eurobarometer, material
wellbeing is identifi ed as the most important criterion
for life satisfaction.
However, over several decades there has been only
a very modest upward trend in average life-satisfaction
scores in developed nations, whereas average income has
grown substantially. There is no evidence for an explanation
sometimes proffered for the apparent paradox of
increasing incomes and stagnant life-satisfaction scores:
the idea that an increase in someone’s income causes
envy and reduces the welfare and satisfaction of others.
In our estimates, the level of income inequality had no
impact on levels of life satisfaction. Life satisfaction is
primarily determined by absolute, rather than relative,
status (related to states of mind and aspirations).
The explanation is that there are factors associated
with modernisation that, in part, offset its positive impact.
A concomitant breakdown of traditional institutions
is manifested in the decline of religiosity and of
trade unions; a marked rise in various social pathologies
(crime, and drug and alcohol addiction); a decline in
political participation and of trust in public authority;
and the erosion of the institutions of family and marriage.
In personal terms, this has also been manifested
in increased general uncertainty and an obsession with
personal risk. These phenomena have accompanied
rising incomes and expanded individual choice (both
of which are highly valued). However, stable family life
and community are also highly valued and these have
undergone a severe erosion.
2005 quality-of-life index
The coeffi cients in the equation are used to forecast a
quality-of-life index for 2005. Four of the indicators are
forecast for 2005 (gdp, life expectancy, unemployment
rate, political stability); one (geography) is fi xed and the
remaining four, which represent slow-changing factors,
are based on the latest available data. The table presents
values of the forecast index for 2005 for 111 countries.
Also in the table are data for gdp per person at ppp.
For The World in 2005, Economist.com conducted
an electronic survey, with more than 3,000 respondents,
on how people rated various factors associated with
quality of life (on a scale of one to fi ve). Although the
approaches are very different and the Economist.com
sample of mainly well-to-do, English speaking and globalised
people is rather unrepresentative, it is interesting
to compare the implied weightings from the survey
responses with those that emerge from our approach
(for factors covered in both). There are differences, but
they seem much less dramatic than might have been
expected, underscoring the assumption of universalist
values that underpins our approach.
Economist.com Quality-of-life
survey weights weights
Accounting for difference
The framework for calculating quality-of-life indices
can be used to decompose and compare the sources
of differences in quality of life between countries and
regions (the values of the explanatory variables are
multiplied by the equation coeffi cients).
When one understands the interplay of modernity
and tradition in determining life satisfaction, it is then
easy to see why Ireland ranks a convincing fi rst in the
international quality-of-life league table. It successfully
combines the most desirable elements of the new—material
wellbeing, low unemployment rates, political
liberties—with the preservation of certain life satisfaction-
enhancing, or modernity-cushioning, elements of
the old, such as stable family life and the avoidance of
the breakdown of community. Its score on all of these
factors are above the eu-15 average, easily offsetting
its slightly lower scores on health, climate and gender
equality.
The United Kingdom, by contrast, ranks 29th in
the world—well below its rank on income per person
and bottom among the eu-15 countries. Social and
family breakdown is high, offsetting the impact of high
incomes and low unemployment. Its performance on
health, civil liberties, and political stability and security
is also below the eu-15 average. The United States ranks
lower on quality of life than on income but it is above
the eu-15 average. Italy performs well, but Germany and
France do not—belying the notion that the big eurozone
nations compensate for their productivity lag with
a better quality of life than in America.